A giant military doesn’t make the American people safer.
By Nicolas J.S. Davies / Alternet
The idea of U.S. “national security” seems inextricably entangled with the notion of “military supremacy.” Over the past 15 years, this has served to rationalize the most expensive unilateral military build-up in history. But there is no evidence that having the most expensive and destructive military forces makes Americans safer than people in other countries, nor that restoring a more balanced military posture would leave us vulnerable to dangers we are currently protected from. Many countries with smaller military forces do a better job of protecting their people by avoiding the hostility that is generated by U.S. imperialism, aggression and other war crimes.
Now, successful diplomacy over Syria’s chemical weapons has demonstrated that diplomacy within the framework of international law can be a more effective way of dealing with problems than the illegal threat or use of military force. Our government claims that its threat of force led to the success of diplomacy in Syria, but that’s not really what happened. It was only when the sleeping giant of American democracy awoke from its long slumber and pried the cruise missiles from our leaders’ trigger fingers that they grudgingly accepted “diplomacy as a last resort.” For once in a very long while, our political system worked the way it’s supposed to: the public made its views clear to our representatives in Congress, and they listened. We saved our leaders from the consequences of their own criminality, and their efforts to sell a propaganda narrative that turns that on its head is a sad reflection on their disdain for democracy and the rule of law.
For most of our history, Americans never dreamt of global military supremacy. At the turn of the 20th century, even as the U.S. waged a genocidal war that probably killed a million Filipinos, American diplomats played key roles in the Hague Peace Conferences and the establishment of international courts, eager to adapt American concepts of democracy and justice to the international arena to develop alternatives to war and militarism.
In response to the horrors of the First World War, an international social movement demanded the abolition of war. In 1928, the U.S. government responded by negotiating the Kellogg-Briand Pact, named for U.S. Secretary of State Frank Kellogg, in which all major powers renounced “war as an instrument of national policy.” The treaty failed to prevent the Second World War, but it provided the legal basis for the convictions of German leaders at Nuremberg for the crime of aggression. And it is still in force, supported by subsequent treaties like the UN Charter and conventions against genocide, torture and other war crimes, under which senior U.S. officials must also eventually face justice.
The allied defeat of Germany and Japan in the Second World War was not the result of American military supremacy, but of an alliance across ideological lines with imperial Britain and the communist Soviet Union, based on mutual trust, vigorous diplomacy and the recognition of a common existential threat. Most Americans believed at the time that the war would lead to a renewed international commitment to peace and disarmament, not to an American bid for military supremacy
American, British and Soviet leaders agreed that their common interests required what Roosevelt called “a permanent structure of peace” after the war, through the United Nations and continued great power diplomacy. The prohibition against the threat or use of force is a key provision of the UN Charter. But Roosevelt’s death deprived America of his vision and personal diplomatic skills just as the complexities of the post-war world began to rear their head.
Truman mistrusted the Soviets and never shared Roosevelt’s commitment to work with them in a spirit of mutual respect. He quickly fell under the influence of hawkish advisers like his Chief of Staff Admiral Leahy, Ambassador Harriman and Navy Secretary Forrestal, and he condemned the Russians harshly at every turn during negotiations on the contours of the post-war world. Truman embraced Churchill’s self-fulfilling declaration of an “iron curtain” across Europe and his dark view of America’s wartime ally as a potential aggressor in the mold of Nazi Germany.What emboldened the former Senator from Missouri to squander the fruits of Roosevelt’s astute diplomacy? In great part, it was “the bomb.” The U.S. monopoly on atomic weapons in the late 1940s gave rise to a newly aggressive posture in U.S. foreign policy, including desperate calls to destroy the Soviet Union in a massive nuclear holocaust before it could develop its own nuclear deterrent.
Fortunately for all of us, wiser heads prevailed and a nuclear war was avoided. The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists and wartime American and British military leaders warned that attacking the U.S.S.R. would unleash an even more terrible war than the one the world had just survived. U.S. Army Chief of Staff General Eisenhower made an early venture into politics with a speech in St. Louis, saying, “I decry loose and sometimes gloating talk about the high degree of security implicit in a weapon that might destroy millions overnight… Those who measure security solely in terms of offensive capacity distort its meaning and mislead those who pay them heed.”
Many Americans accepted their government’s claims that bombing Hiroshima and Nagasaki had shortened the war with Japan and saved American lives, but the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey concluded that, “Japan would have surrendered, even if the atomic bombs had not been dropped, even if Russia had not entered the war, and even if no invasion had been planned or contemplated.” In fact, Japan’s vital supply lines were cut and it was already suing for peace. The main sticking point was the continued rule of Emperor Hirohito, which the allies eventually conceded in any case. American leaders from former President Hoover to future President Eisenhower to military intelligence chief General Carter Clarke all opposed using the bomb as barbaric and unnecessary.
But America’s monopoly on nuclear weapons transformed U.S. foreign policy after the war. Even though our leaders have never found any practical way to realize the mirage of omnipotence conjured up by these weapons, they gave them a false sense of ultimate power in a fluid and uncertain post-war world. Cooperation with the Soviets was no longer imperative, because, in the last resort, we had the bomb and they did not.
The U.S. and U.K. could not prevent most of the countries of Eastern Europe from falling into the Soviet political and economic orbit once they were liberated by the Red Army and communist resistance forces, any more than the Russians could bring their communist allies to power in Western-occupied France, Italy or Greece. But the U.S. nuclear monopoly encouraged Truman to take a hard line. The Truman Doctrine committed the U.S. to militarily oppose Soviet influence across the globe in a long ideological struggle.
As the Soviets developed their own nuclear arsenal, the U.S. invested trillions of dollars and vast human resources in an unrestrained technological arms race. American warplanes and tanks generally proved superior to Soviet ones in proxy wars around the world, but this was irrelevant to the outcome of guerrilla wars, where the AK-47 became the weapon of choice and a symbol of popular resistance to Western imperialism. Meanwhile Germany and Japan, excluded and freed from the tyranny of military production, invested all their resources in civilian technology and soon produced better cars and home electronics than either of the “superpowers.”
The almost unbelievable record of American militarism since 1945 is that, despite the most sustained and expensive military build-up in the history of the world and the tragic annihilation of millions of people, the United States has not won a single major war. After overreaching in Korea, bringing China into the war and devastating North and South Korea, it was forced to settle for a ceasefire on the original border. At least 3 million Vietnamese and 57,000 Americans paid with their lives for the folly of the American War in Vietnam. Proxy and covert wars in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and other parts of South-East Asia have been just as bloody but no more successful. America’s only real military successes have been limited campaigns to restore friendly regimes in three small strategic outposts: Grenada; Panama; and Kuwait.
Surveying the ruins of U.S. policy at the end of the American War in Vietnam, Richard Barnet put his finger on the irony of America’s unique place in world history. He wrote, “at the very moment the number one nation has perfected the science of killing, it has become an impractical instrument of political domination.”
But the lessons of Vietnam were gradually eroded by a revival of U.S. militarism. George Bush Senior played a critical role as Director of the CIA (1976-7) and the Council on Foreign Relations (1977-9) and then as Vice President and President. After covert wars in Angola, Afghanistan and Central America, and invasions of Grenada and Panama, Bush refused Iraq’s offers to withdraw peacefully from Kuwait in 1991 and instead ordered the massacre of at least 25,000 Iraqi soldiers and civilians. Bush rejoiced, “By God, we’ve kicked the Vietnam Syndrome once and for all!”
The fall of the U.S.S.R. was a critical factor in U.S. military expansion in the Middle East. As Pentagon adviser Michael Mandelbaum said in 1991, “For the first time in 40 years we can conduct military operations in the Middle East without worrying about triggering World War III.” The “peace dividend” Americans expected at the end of the Cold War was trumped by a “power dividend,” as policy-makers exploited the fall of the Soviet Union to project U.S. military power around the world. New interventionist doctrines of ” reassurance”, ” humanitarian intervention“, ” responsibility to protect“, ” information warfare” and ” preemption” have served as political cover for violating the UN Charter’s prohibition on the threat or use of force, culminating in the travesty of Barack Obama’s speech justifying war as he accepted the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize.
Since Vietnam, we have spent at least another $17 trillion on war and preparations for war – our entire national debt – and killed millions more of our fellow human beings. Watching General Giap’s funeral in Hanoi as I write this today, I have to ask, “What have we learned?” Our generals have learned how to wage war in other countries with fewer American casualties by using disproportionate violence that kills more civilians than combatants. This has made war less painful for Americans, but it only underlines its futility and barbarism. No American general of this generation will be buried with the outpouring of genuine public gratitude and grief we just saw in Hanoi.
Now we have spent 12 years at war in Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Libya, Syria, Yemen and Somalia (along with covert operations across the entire globe, from Sweden to the Philippines to Colombia). We have brought death, injury, devastation and chaos to hundreds of millions more people, with no end in sight as the “Long War” keeps spreading from country to country. Nowhere have our leaders achieved their original stated intentions to reduce terrorism, prevent weapons proliferation or establish democracy. Their increasingly desperate rationalizations for a murderous, out-of-control policy, repeated ad nauseam by a craven corporate propaganda system, can barely disguise their humiliation.
Like Americans in the late 1940s who were desperate to destroy the U.S.S.R. in a “preemptive” nuclear war, some Americans today may still not understand why our military supremacy cannot bring us political power over enemies with fewer resources and inferior weapons. But, as Eisenhower and other American war leaders understood only too well, the use of force is a blunt and brutal instrument, and more powerful weapons are only more powerful, not magical. The use of force is always destructive, not constructive, and being killed or maimed by shrapnel and high explosives is no cleaner or kinder because missiles are more expensive or more sophisticated. Political power is something quite different, requiring popular support and legitimacy and policies that actually solve problems.
So military supremacy is not a trump card to achieve political objectives; the use of force is inherently destructive; and war nearly always causes more problems than it solves. Killing people to save them from an oppressive government is an absurdity, and “regime change” is generally a euphemism for “regime destruction,” with no ability to ensure that what comes after will be better, especially once the violence and chaos of war are added to the problems that led to it in the first place.
Norwegian General Robert Mood led the UN monitors sent to Syria to oversee the failed ceasefire in 2012. A year later, amid calls for Western military intervention, he reflected, “It is fairly easy to use the military tool, because, when you launch the military tool in classical interventions, something will happen and there will be results. The problem is that the results are almost all the time different than the political results you were aiming for when you decided to launch it. So the other position, arguing that it is not the role of the international community, neither coalitions of the willing nor the UN Security Council for that matter, to change governments inside a country, is also a position that should be respected…”
Threatening the use of force while hoping not to have to use it may seem like a less painful way for our leaders to impose their will on other countries, but in practice this doesn’t work very well either. It forces both sides into positions from which neither can afford to back down, putting the credibility of our military supremacy on the line over every crisis around the world. This has turned manufactured disputes over non-existent weapons into a choice between war and political humiliation for American leaders, as we saw with Iraq and, incredibly, are now going through all over again with Iran. There is great wisdom in the UN Charter’s prohibition on the threat as well as on the use of force, because the one leads so predictably to the other.
Despite nearly bankrupting our country, military supremacy remains an expensive national ego-trip in search of a constructive purpose. Countries that are not cursed with military supremacy have to settle their differences by other means, notably by diplomacy within the rule of international law. As we have found out over Syria, this is not by any means a worse option, and it offers us a way forward to life after militarism.
The victory of democracy in America’s debate over Syria is a small but significant step in the right direction. Organizing and public outrage transformed formerly passive public opposition to war and militarism into effective action to prevent U.S. aggression. Now we must tap into the same combination of public sentiment and effective political organizing to actually bring peace to Syria, to restore civilized relations with Iran and to finally turn the tide on the largest, most wasteful and dangerous unilateral military build-up in the history of the world. This could be an important turning point, but that will be up to us.
It takes real courage — not the false representation of it by guns, over-sized vehicles and displays of camouflage — to say we have “to prevent U.S. aggression.” Since the Spanish American War at the turn of last century, we have fought no wars on our own territory. And since the Korean War most of our military actions have been waged halfway around the world where we kill people of color in countries far poorer than our own.
And it takes real courage for an analyst to say:
“Threatening the use of force while hoping not to have to use it may seem like a less painful way for our leaders to impose their will on other countries, but in practice this doesn’t work very well either. It forces both sides into positions from which neither can afford to back down, putting the credibility of our military supremacy on the line over every crisis around the world.
“Many countries with smaller military forces do a better job of protecting their people by avoiding the hostility that is generated by U.S. imperialism, aggression and other war crimes.”
Usually because they depend on the US for protection against bigger threats. AfterWW2 the US stepped up and, for better or worse, became world policeman. Note the UN headquarters are in NY City. Being a policeman or the school principal is not always a popular job. I think the world would be a worse place had we not done it, and pointing at ugly anecdotes in history doesn’t diminish that. Vietnam is always considered a blunder but all historians consider it a conflict of the cold war, which we won. I’m glad for that. The Soviets expended enormous resources there, which continued till 1979. Their government was in serious trouble just a few years later and collapsed in part due to lack of the same resources.
“Since Vietnam, we have spent at least another $17 trillion on war and preparations for war – our entire national debt – and killed millions more of our fellow human beings. ”
While you’re calculating the cost don’t think you are just buying war. What military might affords is also power, influence, access- during that time frame America came to control 50% of the world’s wealth. Our economy grew at an enormous rate and we enjoyed great prosperity through the ’90’s.
I expect this to fall on deaf ears and some people really do believe that they can take their mortgage payment and spend it on a new car instead and all else will exist in a vacuum. Let’s just save that money we’ve been wasting on the silly mortgage payment and spend it on something a lot more appealing . Like Vietnam and the cold war…you can’t just remove something from the equation and expect the same result.
“Bush refused Iraq’s offers to withdraw peacefully from Kuwait in 1991 and instead ordered the massacre of at least 25,000 Iraqi soldiers and civilians. ”
I thought this was a non-fiction piece. Can anyone provide a reference for this? I realize this amounts to an op-ed, but such opinion works usually throw out a fact here and there to credibly support the opinion within. It doesn’t even make sense.
I’m glaed you linked to the UN charter. Chapter 7. article 51:
“Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defence shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security”
Which is why OIF was completely legal. We were acting as agents for the self defense of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, the original hostilities merely postponed by cease fire. The fact the security council was still issuing chapter 7 resolutions a decade later is proof of their inability to restore peace and security to the region.
Note, re: the references to Nuremburg, charges were levelled and the accused were swiftly given due process. Contrast to this to the Bush Cheney cabal/regime/brotherhood of evil who, a decade after the Iraq war, have not been charged with so much as jaywalking.
“Watching General Giap’s funeral in Hanoi as I write this today, I have to ask, “What have we learned?” … … No American general of this generation will be buried with the outpouring of genuine public gratitude and grief we just saw in Hanoi.”
Given the subject of the article, that’s a bizarre comparison. Did you happen to notice Giap’s coffin cart was an artillery gun?
“Guns are only evil when they are ours. When they belong to the enemy they’re like, awesome, and something we can hump for a photo op.”
(since it was not far from her Barbarella days, I was cool with that and still am)
In conclusion I am in full agreeement- war sucks. I just can’t agree that you never have to have them.
“American, British and Soviet leaders agreed that their common interests required what Roosevelt called “a permanent structure of peace” after the war, through the United Nations and continued great power diplomacy. The prohibition against the threat or use of force is a key provision of the UN Charter. ”
Much of this massive build up is because of our participation in the UN. This organization has caused more wars than any other in the history of humankind.
Here’s an interesting perspective from a former drone pilot.
To those who think it’s noble that the US is the world’s policeman: was there ever a democratic vote for this? Who decided? Not voters to be sure. Bush’s Iraq war is a continuing colossal failure as witnessed by the fact that there are ongoing tragedies there every day – more people being killed because Bush started a war and he’s to blame for the ongoing afterkillings.
The legitimate elected President of the 2000 election was Al Gore. If he had actually taken office, the world would be a far better and different place today. For one thing there would have been no Iraq war. And all of the money spent on the military-industrial complex would likely have been better spent on America’s own citizens creating a decent middle class society instead of the impoverished class we have today which is only getting worse as every program to actually help people is being abandoned.
The middle class societies of Europe are prospering precisely because they have invested in their own people and infrastructure instead of the weapons of war. And they are a lot safer because of it. The US has built up the resentment of every underprivileged society in the world with its military adventures, and that’s why they are all coming after us. If we had truly been a peacemaker in cooperation with other nations, and had contributed to the welfare of other nations instead of bullying them with our military, we would have generated a lot more goodwill towards the US instead of the resentment that we have generated by killing people everywhere.
So many fantastic claims there only made by those with access to a crystal ball or tube of glue to address, but let’s look at one:
“The legitimate elected President of the 2000 election was Al Gore. If he had actually taken office, the world would be a far better and different place today. For one thing there would have been no Iraq war.”
The democratic system outlined in the constitution decided otherwise. Iraq? Well this panel of experts suggest something different (of Clinton):
MR. RUSSERT: And they were not questioning whether Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction.
MR. BROKAW: No. No. No.
MR. RUSSERT: That seemed to be a uniformly held belief.
MR. BROKAW: Right. Yeah.
MR. KOPPEL: Nor did the Clinton administration beforehand.
MR. BROKAW: No.
MR. KOPPEL: I mean, the only difference between the Clinton administration and the Bush administration was 9/11.
MR. BROKAW: Right.
MR. KOPPEL: If 9/11 had happened on Bill Clinton’s watch, he would have gone into Iraq.
MR. BROKAW: Yeah. Yeah.
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(please don’t offer the small minded ignorance of wondering what Iraq had to do with 9/11, when 9/11 had everything to do with Iraq.)
I doubt this will sway you a bit but understand that when people sit at the adult table of foreign policy debate in places like Washington DC they take a more reasonable stance than what you’re displaying here, which we can summarize as a naive feeling that if we’d only been nice to the world and not give them a reason to hate us, the world would be hunky dory. Policymakers of both parties understand that for Americans to continue our living standard, difficult decisions have to be made. You have to guarantee access to resources in countries in the middle east where compassion only gets you kidnapped and your head sawed off. I’ll let those experts remind you why Iraq wasn’t simply “Bush’s War”.
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MR. BROKAW: I was in Iraq before, twice, before the war began and the year before, and it was a horrifying place in terms of the political oppression and the fear that existed and the stories that the Sunnis would tell about what they’d been subjected to down south. And for all of them now to show up and vote, I think that that’s a signal achievement. At what cost, what’s the end game, that’s still to be resolved. And the Democrats, I think, do themselves some damage when they don’t acknowledge that.
MR. RUSSERT: What do you see?
MR. KOPPEL: What’s intriguing to me, Tim, is we’re still talking about the war as though it were in a vacuum, and we’re still talking about victory and what is to be achieved as though it were in a vacuum. And the one thing that we are not talking about, because it somehow seems indelicate or unpolitic or even inappropriate, is the simple fact of the matter that, while we did not go to war because of Iraq’s oil, we did, in fact, go to war because it is absolutely essential to the national interest, not only of this country but also of the Europeans and of the Japanese, that the Persian Gulf remains stable. We have–when I say “we” I mean U.S. administrations going back to the Eisenhower administration–have been intervening in the Persian Gulf in one form or another–we overthrew the Iranian prime minister, Mossadeq–that is, the CIA did–precisely because we felt he was too close to the Communist Party at that time and we were afraid what that would mean if Iran became a Communist state.
As long as we had the shah of Iran there, he was our surrogate. In fact, you may remember the Nixon policy was that the shah would be our surrogate in the Persian Gulf. When the shah was overthrown, we shifted our chips onto the Saudi board, and then it became the House of Saud that became our representative. The Saudis are, indeed, troubled. The royal family of Saudi Arabia is in deep trouble. Therefore, we need to have a stable Iraq in order to guarantee a stable Persian Gulf, and the name of that game is oil. Nobody talks about that.
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US administrations back to the Eisenhower era…. the easy dodge is to blame Bush for all evils. It’s simply not productive, John, and ignores the constitutionally required mandate of Congress. (I have a theory the people who forge policy engineered it that way, but that’s another subject altogether.)